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Busting
cartels for development
OECD
Observer, May 28, 2008
Cartels
are the most egregious form of anti-competitive practice in
the world. They harm consumers in both developing and
developed countries because of their upward impact on prices
and their corresponding downward impact on consumer welfare.
They also afford firms the luxury of being inefficient,
says Pradeep S Mehta
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Promoting effective competition in developing
countries means getting tougher on cartels in the
OECD area, and compensating customers
internationally. Through a new competition fund,
the OECD could play a lead role in making sure
poorer countries get a fairer deal.
Cartels are the most egregious form of
anti-competitive practice in the world. Rival
firms explicitly agree not to compete with each
other, to restrict output and raise the price of
their products. They harm consumers in both
developing and developed countries because of
their upward impact on prices and their
corresponding downward impact on consumer welfare.
They also afford firms the luxury of being
inefficient.
Little
wonder cartel busting is one of the most important
activities of competition authorities around the
world. However, while enforcement is quite
effective in many of the richer countries, it is
lacking in the developing world, because of
resource constraints and inexperience.
To be
sure, the OECD runs training workshops to assist
developing countries in building skills to deal
with cartels and other anti-competitive practices.
But innovative approaches are needed to compensate
consumers from developing countries who fall
victim to international cartels, most of which are
based in OECD countries.
Cartels operate at both national and international
levels. They are no small force. The imports of
their products by developing countries sold by
sixteen international cartels, which operated
during the 1990s, amounted to US$81.1 billion or
6.7% of these countries’ imports and 1.2% of their
national incomes in 1997. The resulting increase
in prices was about 20 to 40% of the market price,
which illustrates the immense adverse impact they
have had on economies. This means overcharges in
the range of $16 billion to $32 billion, which
corresponds to between one third to two thirds of
the total development aid received by developing
countries in the late 1990s.
Across
the globe, cartel activities are being penalised.
In recent times, record fines of more than $500
million have been levied by the UK and US
competition authorities on British Airways (BA)
for colluding with Virgin on transatlantic
flights. There are other airlines too, such as
Korean Airlines, which have been actioned against.
BA is also facing action under the EU laws and
other jurisdictions. Furthermore, the affected
consumers in the US have also filed for class
action damages against BA.
The
fines levied on the airlines will be credited to
the treasuries in the US and UK, and citizens who
have filed private action suits against the said
airlines will be compensated. Many consumers from
various countries in the developing world also fly
to the US, often via Heathrow airport, yet neither
these customers nor their governments will be able
to fine the airlines or claim compensation!
Should
a portion of these fines not be used to strengthen
institutions in the developing world that help in
enforcing fair competition? The main reason this
does not happen is because there is no effective
global competition law and no agency to enforce
one.
In
many cases where the victims of cartels are
numerous but cannot be identified, it is common
practice for courts to award compensation to some
public institution or public interest group.
Though short of compensating the victims
themselves, this is widely seen to be an
acceptable alternative way of using the
money–legally it is referred to as a cy près
award, a Latin expression meaning “next best use”.
In India, when manufacturers won court cases
against the government for excess excise payments,
the money was not refunded to the manufacturers,
but put into a government-administered Consumer
Welfare Fund for investment in further consumer
education, advocacy and research. Similarly, in
Brazil the fines are put into a
government-administered fund and used exclusively
for consumer protection or competition advocacy.
In Peru, there is a system whereby half the fines
collected go to a recognised consumer association,
again to be used for consumer education and
advocacy.
In the
US, fines in antitrust cases are quite often put
into a trust account to be used only to pursue
education and research on competition policy
issues. In June 2007, the George Washington
University Law School received a cy près award of
$5.1 million from a class action antitrust lawsuit
to endow a centre on competition law. The law
school at Loyola University in Chicago received an
award to establish the Institute of Consumer
Antitrust in 1994.
These
awards relate to mainly domestic cases. However,
there are several international cases too, from
which no award has been made to parties outside
the domestic jurisdiction. One of the most
notorious international cartel cases related to
bulk vitamins. The cartel was penalised in all
rich country jurisdictions, but not in a single
developing country. In California, a Vitamin Cases
Settlement Fund was created from an out of court
settlement. It has already made grants totalling
$29 million and more are in the pipeline.
All
such awards are given under national laws and
remain restricted to their boundaries. Action by
developing country authorities has been absent,
because most of them, including big countries like
India or China, do not have an effective
competition law. Smaller developing countries too
suffer for similar reasons.
There
is thus a strong case for strengthening the
enforcement and advocacy roles of competition
institutions in the poor world through funding
from a part of the fines paid. This could be done
by creating an international competition fund to
be managed by a credible intergovernmental
organisation such as the OECD. Such a fund should
be accessible to competition institutions and
non-government organisations in the developing
world to strengthen their competition regimes.
Secondly, to enable the creation of such a fund,
national laws in the rich world will need to be
amended to allow a transfer of a scientifically
determined amount from fines.
One
has to remember that the case is to assess the
damage of an international cartel on the
developing world and allocate funds accordingly.
We are not suggesting that fines be allocated on
violations of a pure domestic jurisdiction, though
some countries would not mind doing so. As we live
in a global village, rather than being
scientifically fussy about precise impacts of such
cartels on developing countries, it might indeed
be more cost effective simply to levy a portion of
fines in breaking up international cartels by
assuming a certain effect on poorer countries.
Such minima would help discourage cartels from
forming in the first place.
For
the OECD, competition is a natural fit. And at a
time when the organisation is expanding its
contacts with large developing countries such as
China and India, setting up a new competition fund
could help it build stronger relationships with
smaller, poorer victims of cartels too.
The
author is also the co-chair of the International
Network of Civil Society Organisations on
Competition and participates regularly in OECD
competition fora. He can be reached at
psm@cuts.org.
Udai Mehta and Sonia Gasparikova contributed to
this article.
This
article can also be viewed at:
http://www.oecdobserver.org
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